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Improved Measures of Audience Response
The ability to launch experiments online further strengthens the ability of communication researchers to draw causal inferences by providing more precisely calibrated indicators of audience reactions to media messages. For instance, as described below, online experiments permit observation of information seeking behavior and
enable more finely-grained, longitudinal indicators of voter response to campaign advertisements. Behavioral Indicators of Selective Exposure Researchers have long assumed that people have an innate preference for attitudeconsistent messages or sources of information. According to this “selective exposure” hypothesis, voters seek to avoid information that clashes with their preexisting beliefs (e.g., Festinger 1957) and instead put themselves in the path of information they expect to agree with.
As Lazarsfeld et al. pointed out, biased exposure to information has clear implications for the exercise of informed citizenship: “In recent years there has been a good deal of talk by men of good will about the desirability and necessity of guaranteeing the free exchange of ideas in the market place of public opinion. Such talk has centered upon the problem of keeping free the channels of expression and communication. Now we find that the consumers of ideas, if they have dade a decision on the issue, themselves erect high tariff walls against alien notions” (1948, 89). Given the practical difficulties of delivering large quantities of information, the typical study on selective exposure rovides participants with only a limited range of 12 choice. As Cotton pointed out, the literature has failed to address “how people actively seek and avoid information on their own” (1985, 29). Digital technology, however, makes it possible to deliver voluminous quantities of information in a compact and easy to navigate format. In a study of selective exposure during the 2000 presidential campaign, researchers provided a representative sample of registered voters with a multimedia CD containing extensive information about candidates Bush and Gore – including text of all their stump speeches delivered between July 1 and October 7, a full set of televised ads, and the texts of the two major political parties’ platforms. The CD also included the soundtrack and transcripts of the candidates’ nomination acceptance speeches and the first televised debate. All told, the information amounted to over 600 pages of text and two hours of multi-media (see Iyengar et al., 2008). The campaign CD was delivered to a representative sample of American adult Internet users two weeks before Election Day. Participants were informed in advance that their use of the CD would be examined by the researchers (and they were requested not to share the CD with members of their family or friends). As the user navigated through the CD, a built-in tracking feature recorded every visited page (in the order of visit), the number of CD sessions, and the length of each viewing session in a log file on the user’s computer hard drive.
As Lazarsfeld et al. pointed out, biased exposure to information has clear implications for the exercise of informed citizenship: “In recent years there has been a good deal of talk by men of good will about the desirability and necessity of guaranteeing the free exchange of ideas in the market place of public opinion. Such talk has centered upon the problem of keeping free the channels of expression and communication. Now we find that the consumers of ideas, if they have dade a decision on the issue, themselves erect high tariff walls against alien notions” (1948, 89). Given the practical difficulties of delivering large quantities of information, the typical study on selective exposure rovides participants with only a limited range of 12 choice. As Cotton pointed out, the literature has failed to address “how people actively seek and avoid information on their own” (1985, 29). Digital technology, however, makes it possible to deliver voluminous quantities of information in a compact and easy to navigate format. In a study of selective exposure during the 2000 presidential campaign, researchers provided a representative sample of registered voters with a multimedia CD containing extensive information about candidates Bush and Gore – including text of all their stump speeches delivered between July 1 and October 7, a full set of televised ads, and the texts of the two major political parties’ platforms. The CD also included the soundtrack and transcripts of the candidates’ nomination acceptance speeches and the first televised debate. All told, the information amounted to over 600 pages of text and two hours of multi-media (see Iyengar et al., 2008). The campaign CD was delivered to a representative sample of American adult Internet users two weeks before Election Day. Participants were informed in advance that their use of the CD would be examined by the researchers (and they were requested not to share the CD with members of their family or friends). As the user navigated through the CD, a built-in tracking feature recorded every visited page (in the order of visit), the number of CD sessions, and the length of each viewing session in a log file on the user’s computer hard drive.
Upon completing a post-election survey, participants were given instructions for finding and uploading their log-files. On the basis of these files, the researchers were able to monitor the degree to which CD users gravitated to information provided by the candidate they preferred. In fact, the findings revealed only partial evidence of selective exposure based on partisanship; Republicans (and 13 conservatives) showed a clear preference for information concerning Bush, but Democrats (and liberals) proved more even-handed in their CD use. The tendency for partisans on the right to show greater avoidance of attitudediscrepant information is attributable to both dispositional and contextual factors. In comparison with liberals, conservatives may have a more intense sense of group identity, thus heightening their need to avoid dissonance. On the other hand, the greater selectivity among Republicans may reflect habituation over time. Since the launch of the Fox Network in 1986, Republicans have enjoyed easy access to news with a pro-Republican tilt. This experience with Fox News may encourage similar information-seeking behavior in a non-news context.
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